The inside story on the city's outsiders' communities ( 2003-09-24 11:24) (Agencies)
Think of a city whose history
is one of immigration as long as it was worth calling a city. A melting pot, a
focus of people's dreams and ambitions, a mecca for anyone seeking their
fortune. A city feeling the pressure of an ever expanding population of
newcomers with foreign faces and curious customs. It could be New York City at
the end of the nineteenth century - or Shanghai at the beginning of the
twenty-first.
Just as the world washed up on Ellis Island in the hope of
making money, China is coming to Shanghai. From 1991 to 2001, the city's
official population increased by an average of 0.3 per cent per year to 13.27
million. But in the same period, the local population's natural growth averaged
minus 1.9 per cent per year. Furthermore, the real population of Shanghai,
including the hukou-less 'floating population', is generally agreed to be over
16 million.
These numbers point to a steadily declining 'native' population set against
cascading waves of immigration. While in New York's case, mass immigration
created the archetypal 'melting pot', the social consequences for Shanghai are
largely still to be measured. Before a pot's contents can melt, they must become
hot enough, and Chinese newcomers to Shanghai - universally branded as waidiren
- often face a decidedly chilly reception.
The experience of Chen Bo, who came from Anhui to study at East China Normal
University in 1998, typifies the problems many migrants face when they first
come to Shanghai. "You′re in a different place, you leave your family, sometimes
you feel kind of lonely," she recollects. "Also Shanghainese people have a
language difference, you can′t understand what they say. […] Sometimes they look
down on you because you don′t speak Shanghainese and you′ve got a different face
from theirs."
Problems are not only social. It can also be harder for
outsiders to do business in Shanghai. Shaanxi native Long Xiaoshu is the
marketing manager of a pharmaceutical company based in his province. "Before we
came here, we assumed that Shanghai was a very open city with a well developed
market economy," says Long. "But we found that Shanghai is still very
conservative in some aspects. That puts us in a weaker position and our
competition with local enterprises is not happening on an equal basis."
Though Shanghai prides itself on its openness, help often comes from closer
to home when the reality proves different. Migrant organisations in various
incarnations have sprung up to smooth the integration of their homies into
Shanghai′s class-conscious society.
Long joins his fellow Shaanxi-ren at an informal meeting every year, usually
held in a (you guessed it) Shaanxi restaurant. Around 150 people discuss news of
home, make friends, and look for business opportunities over steaming bowls of
mutton and beef soup. Most are businessmen mixed in with academics and local
government officials originating from Shaanxi. The last group makes the guanxi
element of the rendezvous obvious - though Long insists that the social facets
of the occasion are equally important.
It may well have been over a couple of toasts at one of
these occasions that the idea of the Shaanxi Building was conceived. Due for
completion in 2004, the building "will serve as a showcase to display Shaanxi
not only to the rest of China, but to the world as well," says Lin Zeming,
director of the representative office of the Shaanxi provincial government in
Shanghai. The Shaanxi Building will be prominently positioned on the corner of
Yan′An Zhong Lu and Maoming Bei Lu, and has already cost RMB 160 million.
Such a building is a visible symbol of the Shaanxi′s community′s cooperation.
Equally reliant on internal cooperation are groups such as the shark′s
fin-swallowing, dim sum-devouring Cantonese and the Fujian community, which
controls a sizeable majority of Shanghai′s construction material business.
Universities, too, often have ways to initiate newcomers into the ways of the
city (in the sad event that copies of the current month′s that′s Shanghai are
all gone). Student-run societies which call themselves laoxianghui provide
initial orientation, academic advice and opportunities for students to meet
their provincial peers.
Angie Wang is a Hunanese studying English and Japanese at the East China
University of Science and Technologies. In her first year, she led the female
division of the University′s Hunan League.
"It helps Hunan students especially in the first and second years, to get
over their troubles when they first set foot in Shanghai," says Wang, whose
disarmingly sweet and fresh-faced appearance belies an equally disarming
outspokenness.
Wang speaks of the faster pace of living in Shanghai mentioning that the
university lunch break was too short to allow the siesta Hunanese were
accustomed to from high school. In addition, she and her fellow fire-swallowing
Hunanese found Shanghainese food intolerably sweet. "For the first couple of
days we had to make do with bread and biscuits," she remembers. And then there
were problems of perception arising from cultural differences. "Hunan people are
mostly straightforward and generous," says Wang. "We found the Shanghainese so
stingy that we didn′t feel comfortable dealing with them."
The Hunan League′s activities include sports matches and a website as well as
a meeting introducing newcomers to their older counterparts. "It′s seen as a
great opportunity for the older students to find a date," says Wang with another
dose of that Hunan straightforwardness.
Clearly the usefulness of such a community varies from one laoxianghui to
another. And of course, it has its limitations. Chen Bo has pleasant memories of
her university′s laoxianghui for Anhui students, but stresses that it is far
from a real ′community′. "You all speak the same language, you feel like you are
still there at home, and that is something nice, actually," says Chen. "But
after one or two hours you are back in your dormitory and everyone speaks
Shanghainese."
The effectiveness of laoxianghui societies is further limited by the
intriguing fact that they are technically forbidden by university authorities.
"Yes, the school authorities do not encourage [laoxianghui]," says Wang. "But as
long as you don′t draw attention to yourself, they don′t interfere. It′s the
same with dating on campus."
Whereas laoxianghui is chiefly geared towards helping people make new
friends, a more complex mixture of emotional and practical needs draws together
Long Xiaoshu and his fellow Shaanxi natives. "By nature, Shaanxi people are
straightforward and willing to help," says Long. But he admits, "Successful
people make up a large proportion of the meeting′s attendance. Some are starting
up companies. Some are managers. Some hold post-doctorial degrees." Though
fondness for one′s fellows shouldn′t be ruled out as a motive for holding such
meetings, help is likely more readily offered when a future help payback is
anticipated.
Whether migrant assistance communities are drawn together by generosity or
guanxi, there is always a risk they will prove self-defeating. After all,
helping newcomers to ′integrate′ by surrounding them by a protective wall of
their own kind could be counterproductive.
This effect is most marked in the blue-collar workers′ migrant communities in
which most of the ′floating population′ of Shanghai reside. Living and working
with other migrants, such workers have few opportunities for integration even
though they may stay in the city for years. Even their children are taught in
special migrant schools, where goodwill often runs high but resources are
usually lacking.
Intermarriage has historically been a way to add some heat to that melting
pot. But according to Professor Ding Jinhong of the Population Research Centre
at East China Normal University, Shanghainese people prefer to marry their own
kind. "Maritally undesirable Shanghainese men will accept women from outside
Shanghai," writes the professor, "but Shanghainese women will not readily accept
men from outside Shanghai, regardless of their own undesirable conditions for
marriage." So don′t expect to see too many local ladies trawling local
construction sites for suitors.
The passport to real integration into the Shanghainese population is a little
brown book about seven by five inches big. Possession of a hukou essentially
means that one is as good as Shanghainese in the eyes of the law. From 1991 to
2001, an average 191,000 migrants per year were granted a hukou and ′became′
Shanghainese. Set this against the ′floating population′ of about 3 million and
it is clear just how rare a prize this little book is, granting its holder
greater ease in finding a job, welfare provision and full access to state
education for their children.
However, having a hukou doesn′t mean you stop being an outsider, a waidiren
in the eyes of Shanghainese - nor does it necessarily alter your self-image or
dislike of sweet Shanghai food. Chen Bo now works full-time in Shanghai and has
been in possession of a Shanghai hukou for nearly a year. "I am a Shanghainese,"
she says. But at the same time she admits, "Even by now I feel I′m not a part of
Shanghai […] No matter how good Shanghai is, I can say it is my second home, but
home is somewhere else."
While such feelings exist, migrant communities will continue to have a
function, whether it is helping newcomers weather the storms of Shanghai life or
just helping them to find a date with someone who speaks their language and can
stomach spicy grub. In the end, home is where the heart is; and while Shanghai
is willing to welcome migrants′ money and talent, perhaps the city has yet to
welcome them with its heart.